Sonneillon V.

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Sep 1
squidsqueen:

naturee-feels:

psl:

juliesbabyboy:

The mothers of trayvon martin & sean bell meet mike brown’s mom for the first time. Totally touched my heart…

they need each other

Where are the notes.


I am glad they have each other, but this is a club no parent should ever have to join.

squidsqueen:

naturee-feels:

psl:

juliesbabyboy:

The mothers of trayvon martin & sean bell meet mike brown’s mom for the first time. Totally touched my heart…

they need each other

Where are the notes.

I am glad they have each other, but this is a club no parent should ever have to join.

Sep 1

gealachinamistyworld:

"Don’t make me help you along, son."
"Do it. Kill me if you can. Please."

Uncanny X-Force 34 - revisited [how it should have been]

Original panels by Phil Noto and Stephen Segovia

First fanart by karaii

Second and third fanarts by ladynorthstar

Sep 1
noshacklesarefirmer:

bdsmgeek:

actuallyuniquenudes:

"Gee honey, when you said you were in to light bondage this isn’t quite what I had in mind"
#ArchivePicOfTheDay

Heh BDSM puns.

Oh look… PUNishment!

noshacklesarefirmer:

bdsmgeek:

actuallyuniquenudes:

"Gee honey, when you said you were in to light bondage this isn’t quite what I had in mind"

#ArchivePicOfTheDay

Heh BDSM puns.

Oh look… PUNishment!

Sep 1

One of the things I hate most about the Jedi Order…

… and this comes out of watching Episode III, is that there are no therapists (link goes to TVTropes).  They have Consulars, which you would think would be very well-suited to the job, but the issue is that as far as I can tell there’s no expectation of confidentiality.  You can’t take your problems and struggles to a Consular and be 100% certain they won’t report you to the Council.  So if you’re doing something you shouldn’t be doing, like, say, visiting your mother on the sly or falling in love with a prominent senator, and you have issues stemming from this, you have absolutely no one to turn to who can help you wrestle those gaping emotional wounds into scar tissue.

By not providing any reliable mental health services for their members, the Jedi Order is expressing total denial of the reality of their members’ situations.  They are expected to be literally super-human in that they should never need help, they should be above needing help.  When Anakin, who’s got more emotional trauma on his plate than you can shake a stick at plus horrible prescient dreams of further trauma wracking him every night, starts losing it the Council literally has NO IDEA what to do about it.  You watch them sit in meetings where they’re like “Man, he’s going off script” “Yeah, but he’s the best we got” “Welp, guess we should just send him right back out to kill more people then.”  There’s no discussion about actually getting him help because there’s no help to get him.

The fact that this is the case in the middle of an intergalactic war when you really should expect soldiers, including Jedi, to be experiencing PTSD, especially considering there are padawans as young as twelve or fourteen out there on the war front being treated like commanders and leading soldiers into battle, losing them, watching them die due to their decisions… I have no words for what a reprehensible oversight it is.

And before you ask… no, the Sith don’t have therapists either (unless you count II’s debriefers, which sometimes seem to serve that function in a weird, twisted sort of way).  They expect you to overcome your issues, make them serve you, or die.  And you dying is just as acceptable as you succeeding, sometimes more acceptable.  So no, they’re not really better than the Jedi about this, but they’re not hypocrites about this issue.  The Sith know everybody’s broken.  They engineer it that way.  It’s interesting because there’s no stigma about it in Sith Society.  You can be completely off your rocker, but if you’re successful, they figure you must have something on point.  Paranoia is healthy, hyper-aggression is admired, narcissism is well-deserved, and when The Force sends visions, who decides what’s prophecy and what’s psychosis?

Sep 1
queertrees:

geekygothgirl:

verycuriousnocure:

During World War II, Josephine Baker served with the French Red Cross and was an active member of the French resistance movement. Using her career as a cover Baker became an intelligence agent, carrying secret messages written in invisible ink on her sheet music. She was awarded the Croix de Guerre, and received a Medal of the Resistance in 1946. In 1961 she received the highest French honor, the Legion d’Honneur awarded by then President Charles de Gaulle.
Our loss, U.S.A….

If you don’t admire the shit out of J. Baker, who was also pretty openly bisexual and adopted NINETEEN children in addition to the badassery mentioned above, I want you to go sit in the corner and think about your life choices.

um she was also a huge civil rights activist and her refusal to perform for segregated audiences at major clubs that were fallin over themselves to book her helped de-segregate vegas performance venues
aaaand she had a pet cheetah

queertrees:

geekygothgirl:

verycuriousnocure:

During World War II, Josephine Baker served with the French Red Cross and was an active member of the French resistance movement. Using her career as a cover Baker became an intelligence agent, carrying secret messages written in invisible ink on her sheet music. She was awarded the Croix de Guerre, and received a Medal of the Resistance in 1946. In 1961 she received the highest French honor, the Legion d’Honneur awarded by then President Charles de Gaulle.

Our loss, U.S.A….

If you don’t admire the shit out of J. Baker, who was also pretty openly bisexual and adopted NINETEEN children in addition to the badassery mentioned above, I want you to go sit in the corner and think about your life choices.

um she was also a huge civil rights activist and her refusal to perform for segregated audiences at major clubs that were fallin over themselves to book her helped de-segregate vegas performance venues

aaaand she had a pet cheetah

Sep 1

In Chicago, as across the nation, most banks and savings and loans refused to make mortgage loans to African Americans, in part because of the policies of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), which “redlined” — that is, refused to insure mortgages—in neighborhoods that contained more than a smattering of black residents. Therefore, the Boltons could not do what most whites would have done — obtain a mortgage loan and use it to pay for their property in full. Their only option was to buy “on contract,” that is, more or less on the installment plan. Under the terms of most installment land contracts the seller could repossess a house as easily as a used car salesman repossessed a delinquent automobile. With even one missed payment, a contract seller had the right to evict the “homeowner” ad resell the building to another customer. If the contract seller happened to be a speculator who charged a wildly inflated price for the building, then a missed payment — and subsequent quick eviction and resale for profit — was practically guaranteed.



Contract selling was another version of a condition of a condition that has victimized African Americans from the sharecropping era to our current subprime mortgage crisis—namely, their lack of equal access to credit. Yet its full implications—fabulous enrichment for speculative contract sellers and their investors, debt peonage or impoverishment for many black contract buyers, and an almost guaranteed decay of the communities in which such sales were concentrated—has never been explored. Instead, conventional wisdom on why so many aging urban neighborhoods deteriorated one their populations shifted from white to black has been bind to the issue of speculators and their profits. In the 1950s and 1960s, mainstream thinking was divided between those who blamed blacks for their pathological behavior in destroying their own residences and those who blamed racist whites for hysterically fleeing long-established neighborhoods at the first sight of a black face. By the 1980s and 1990s, the division had shifted slightly, to one between those who blamed the devastation of urban black neighborhoods on the “culture of poverty” or the degraded culture of inner-city blacks, and those who argued that such conditions were the product of “deindustrialization,” or the flight of industrial jobs overseas. Up to the present, even commentators who are sympathetic to the plight of inner-city residents frequently blame “the riots” for the eerie emptiness they observe there—seemingly unaware they are fostering yet another variation of the “blacks destroy their own communities” theme. At best, all of these interpretations point to a lack—of culture, of jobs, of resources, or of courage to fight one’s racist impulses and stay put in a racially mixed area.

My father’s papers suggest an entirely different reading. The reason for the decline of so many black urban neighborhoods into slums was not the absence of resources, but rather the riches that could be drawn from the seemingly poor vein of aged and decrepit housing and hard-pressed but hardworking ambitious African Americans. The real threat to “changing urban neighborhoods was a sobering economic truth: a single investment by a speculating contract seller of $1,000 could turn into $3,000 in one year; that investment could be multiplied by thousands across the city; and its profits could be shared widely, as the contract paper that enforced draconian monthly payments was frequently sold off at a discount to middle-class and professional residents of the city. The problem was not that racially changing neighborhoods were unprofitable. On the contrary, the problem was that the pickings were too easy, and the scale of profits too tempting, for many of the city’s prominent citizens—attorneys, bankers, realtors, and politicians alike—to pass up.

-

Beryl Satter, Family Properties: How the Struggle Over Race and Real Estate Transformed Chicago and Urban America

For the record, I of course do not think that readings of white flight and deindustrialization are wrong — they’re yet more, very real forms of white supremacist resource hoarding that contract selling exemplifies.

(via thecurvature)

Sep 1

Chicago had not always been a segregated city. Black Chicagoan traditionally lived on the city’s South Side, with much smaller numbers scattered through parts of the West Side. Yet in the early years of the twentieth century, much of the “black” South Side was actually racially mixed; only about a dozen blocks were exclusively inhabited by African Americans. As late as 1910, Chicago’s were less set apart from native-born whites than Italian immigrants were.

This situation changed dramatically during the 1910s and 1920s, when tens of thousands of Southern blacks migrated to Chicago …. The First Great Migration unsettled Chicago’s relatively open racial system and led to the creation of the city’s black ghetto. As the number of blacks in Chicago more than doubled, crowding forced them over invisible racial boundaries into adjoining white neighborhoods, where they were met with threats and violence. A 1919 study on race relations in Chicago noted that “a kind of guerrilla warfare” was raging at the boundaries of black neighborhoods. Between July 1917 and March 1921, there were fifty-eight recorded bombings of properties rented or purchased by blacks in white Chicago neighborhoods.

White Chicagoans also used nonviolent methods to contain African Americans. They formed “neighborhood improvement associations” to pressure white owners and realtors into refusing to rent or sell to blacks. Most of these associations were organized by the Chicago Real Estate Board (CREB), the professional association of white Chicago realtors. At a fateful meeting in 1917, the board formulated its response to the “invasion of white residence districts by the Negroes.” Rather than allowing blacks to purchase property wherever they wished, CREB decided o confine such sales to blocks immediately adjoining neighborhoods that already contained black residents. No new areas would be opened until these blocks became entirely “black.” “Inasmuch as more territory must be provided, it is desired … that each black shall be filled solidly and that further expansion shall be confined to contiguous blocks,” the board declared.

CREB attempted to enshrine this policy in a city ordinance, but a 1917 Supreme Court ruling thwarted its plan by outlawing racial zoning laws. CREB then decided to organize “voluntary” block clubs in white neighborhoods. The goal of these clubs was to ensure that no homes were sold to blacks except in the “contiguous blocks” identified by CREB. “Resolved, that this board … recommend owners societies in every white block for the purpose of mutual defense,” CREB decreed on November 1917. In 1924, the National Association of Real Estate Boars adopted CREB’s code of refusing to sell to blacks outside of specific areas. Real estate boards across the nation recognized CREB’s pioneering work in maintaining all-white communities and looked to CREB for advice as they crafted their own racially restricted plans Chicago’s realtors were thus instrumental in the creation of a dual housing market both locally and nationally-that is, a “white” market of low prices and expansive neighborhood choices and a “black” market of high prices and extremely limited options.

- Beryl Satter, Family Properties: How the Struggle Over Race and Real Estate Transformed Chicago and Urban America (via thecurvature)

Sep 1

Other cases were notable for the extremes that contract sellers went to in order to repossess the buildings they “sold.” Henry Taylor Shelton and his wife, Elizabeth, purchased their home on contract in January 1951. Their complaint alleged that the week before they bought it for $9.950, their broker, Adolph B. Lewis, had acquired the building for $3,500. Lewis also hid his ownership and convinced the Sheltons that the building was a “real buy.” Telling them that they did not need a lawyer, he then provided them with one who was secretly in his employ. The lawyer assured them that the deal was sound, and so the Sheltons agreed to the price Lewis asked.

While all of this behavior was typical, there was a vicious twist to the Shelton case. By 1957, the Sheltons had lived contentedly in their home for six years, not missing a single payment. This meant that Lewis was at risk of actually losing control of the building, so, the Sheltons’ complaint alleged, he snuck into their house and changed the locks the night of September 10, 1957. He explained to the Sheltons that they had fallen behind on money owed not to him but to the federal government. If they signed a contract he had prepared, he said, they would be released from the charges. The Sheltons signed. They soon learned that the contract was a quit-claim deed for the house—that is, a document giving up any claim to ownership of the property. By the time they realized their mistake—February 5, 1958—the completion of their contract for $9,950 was well in sight. They had paid $8,473, plus $2,300 for improvements, on a house worth $3,500. Now they had somehow lost it all.

- Beryl Satter, Family Properties: How the Struggle Over Race and Real Estate Transformed Chicago and Urban America (via thecurvature)

Sep 1

treesong:

READ THIS AND TAKE IT INTO YOUR BONES

Sep 1

descentintotyranny:

Over 1,000 Protest in Ferguson, Call for Highway Shutdown Monday